Table of Contents

Preface v

1 Introduction 1

2 Basic Architecture of Deriving Anaphoric Relations via Move 8

2.1 Pro-Movement 8

2.2 Restrictions on Dependency 14

2.2.1 Upward Movement: Deriving Condition C Effects 14

2.2.2 Sideward Movement: Deriving Non-C-Commanding Anaphora 15

2.2.3 Across-the-Board Movement: Deriving Weakest Crossover 21

2.2.4 Standard Weak Crossover Revisited 30

2.2.5 Minimality: Deriving Strong Crossover 33

3 Deriving Cases of Barss's (1986) Chain Obviation Condition 39

3.1 Advantages of Barss's (1986) Chain Obviation Condition 39

3.2 Deriving the Cases of the COC by the Movement Theory 42

4 Do A- and A'-Movement Reconstruct? 57

4.1 An Apparent Paradox Regarding A-Movement Reconstruction 57

4.2 Reconstruction regarding Negative Conditions 70

5 Locality of Empty Pronouns in Japanese 76

5.1 Locality of Empty Pronouns 76

5.2 A-Pro as a Bound Variable 86

5.3 Deriving the SSC Effect from A-Movement 97

5.4 Implications for the Pro-Drop Parameter 110

6 Evidence for Operator Movement of Pro 116

6.1 Multiple Occurrences of Generic Pro 117

6.2 A Unification of Anaphoric and Generic Pro in Operator Movement 126

6.3 Operator Movement of Pro and the Locality with Its Antecedent 135

7 An Extension to the NOC Cases of PRO 145

7.1 Lebeaux's (1984) Theory of PRO 146

7.2 Incorporating the NOC Cases of PRO into the Movement Theory 149

7.3 An Overall Picture of the Theory of Pro/PRO 162

8 A Movement Theory of Reflexives 171

8.1 Lexical Ambiguity of Zibun: Pure Anaphor or Logophor 171

8.2 A Movement Theory of Zibun 177

8.3 Multiple Occurrences of Zibun 186

8.4 Multiple Occurrences of Generic Zibun 195

9 Conclusions 206

References 208

Index 213