Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

  Long before today’s culture wars, the “Third Great Awakening” rocked America. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, evangelists such as Dwight L. Moody and Billy Sunday roused citizens to renounce sin as it manifested in popular culture, moral ambiguity, and the changing role of women.

            Sin in the City examines three urban revivals in turn-of-the-century Chicago to show how revivalists negotiated that era’s perceived racial, sexual, and class threats. While most studies of this movement have focused on its male leaders and their interactions with society, Thekla Ellen Joiner raises new questions about gender and race by exploring Third Awakening revivalism as the ritualized performance of an evangelical social system defined by middle-class Protestant moral aspirations for urban America. Rather than approaching these events merely as the achievements of persuasive men, she views them as choreographed collective rituals reinforcing a moral order defined by ideals of femininity, masculinity, and racial purity.

            Joiner reveals how revivalist rhetoric and ritual shifted from sentimentalist identification of sin with males to a more hard-nosed focus on females, castigating “loose women” whose economic and sexual independence defied revivalist ideals and its civic culture. She focuses on Dwight L. Moody’s 1893 World’s Fair revival, the 1910 Chapman-Alexander campaign, and the 1918 Billy Sunday revival, comparing the locations, organization, messages, and leaders of these three events to depict the shift from masculinized to feminized sin. She identifies the central role women played in the Third Awakening as the revivalists promoted feminine virtue as the corrective to America’s urban decline. She also shows that even as its definition of sin became more feminized, Billy Sunday’s revivalism began to conform to Chicago’s emerging color line.

            Enraged by rapid social change in cities like Chicago, these preachers spurred Protestant evangelicals to formulate a gendered and racialized moral regime for urban America. Yet, as Joiner shows, even as revivalists demonized new forms of entertainment, they used many of the modern cultural practices popularized in theaters and nickelodeons to boost the success of their mass conversions.

            Sin in the City shows that the legacy of the Third Awakening lives on today in the religious right’s sociopolitical activism; crusade for family values; disparagement of feminism; and promotion of spirituality in middle-class, racial, and cultural terms. Providing cultural and gender analysis too often lacking in the study of American religious history, it offers a new model for understanding the development of a gendered theology and set of religious practices that influenced Protestantism in a period of enormous social change.

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Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

  Long before today’s culture wars, the “Third Great Awakening” rocked America. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, evangelists such as Dwight L. Moody and Billy Sunday roused citizens to renounce sin as it manifested in popular culture, moral ambiguity, and the changing role of women.

            Sin in the City examines three urban revivals in turn-of-the-century Chicago to show how revivalists negotiated that era’s perceived racial, sexual, and class threats. While most studies of this movement have focused on its male leaders and their interactions with society, Thekla Ellen Joiner raises new questions about gender and race by exploring Third Awakening revivalism as the ritualized performance of an evangelical social system defined by middle-class Protestant moral aspirations for urban America. Rather than approaching these events merely as the achievements of persuasive men, she views them as choreographed collective rituals reinforcing a moral order defined by ideals of femininity, masculinity, and racial purity.

            Joiner reveals how revivalist rhetoric and ritual shifted from sentimentalist identification of sin with males to a more hard-nosed focus on females, castigating “loose women” whose economic and sexual independence defied revivalist ideals and its civic culture. She focuses on Dwight L. Moody’s 1893 World’s Fair revival, the 1910 Chapman-Alexander campaign, and the 1918 Billy Sunday revival, comparing the locations, organization, messages, and leaders of these three events to depict the shift from masculinized to feminized sin. She identifies the central role women played in the Third Awakening as the revivalists promoted feminine virtue as the corrective to America’s urban decline. She also shows that even as its definition of sin became more feminized, Billy Sunday’s revivalism began to conform to Chicago’s emerging color line.

            Enraged by rapid social change in cities like Chicago, these preachers spurred Protestant evangelicals to formulate a gendered and racialized moral regime for urban America. Yet, as Joiner shows, even as revivalists demonized new forms of entertainment, they used many of the modern cultural practices popularized in theaters and nickelodeons to boost the success of their mass conversions.

            Sin in the City shows that the legacy of the Third Awakening lives on today in the religious right’s sociopolitical activism; crusade for family values; disparagement of feminism; and promotion of spirituality in middle-class, racial, and cultural terms. Providing cultural and gender analysis too often lacking in the study of American religious history, it offers a new model for understanding the development of a gendered theology and set of religious practices that influenced Protestantism in a period of enormous social change.

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Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

by Thekla Ellen Joiner
Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920

by Thekla Ellen Joiner

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Overview

  Long before today’s culture wars, the “Third Great Awakening” rocked America. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, evangelists such as Dwight L. Moody and Billy Sunday roused citizens to renounce sin as it manifested in popular culture, moral ambiguity, and the changing role of women.

            Sin in the City examines three urban revivals in turn-of-the-century Chicago to show how revivalists negotiated that era’s perceived racial, sexual, and class threats. While most studies of this movement have focused on its male leaders and their interactions with society, Thekla Ellen Joiner raises new questions about gender and race by exploring Third Awakening revivalism as the ritualized performance of an evangelical social system defined by middle-class Protestant moral aspirations for urban America. Rather than approaching these events merely as the achievements of persuasive men, she views them as choreographed collective rituals reinforcing a moral order defined by ideals of femininity, masculinity, and racial purity.

            Joiner reveals how revivalist rhetoric and ritual shifted from sentimentalist identification of sin with males to a more hard-nosed focus on females, castigating “loose women” whose economic and sexual independence defied revivalist ideals and its civic culture. She focuses on Dwight L. Moody’s 1893 World’s Fair revival, the 1910 Chapman-Alexander campaign, and the 1918 Billy Sunday revival, comparing the locations, organization, messages, and leaders of these three events to depict the shift from masculinized to feminized sin. She identifies the central role women played in the Third Awakening as the revivalists promoted feminine virtue as the corrective to America’s urban decline. She also shows that even as its definition of sin became more feminized, Billy Sunday’s revivalism began to conform to Chicago’s emerging color line.

            Enraged by rapid social change in cities like Chicago, these preachers spurred Protestant evangelicals to formulate a gendered and racialized moral regime for urban America. Yet, as Joiner shows, even as revivalists demonized new forms of entertainment, they used many of the modern cultural practices popularized in theaters and nickelodeons to boost the success of their mass conversions.

            Sin in the City shows that the legacy of the Third Awakening lives on today in the religious right’s sociopolitical activism; crusade for family values; disparagement of feminism; and promotion of spirituality in middle-class, racial, and cultural terms. Providing cultural and gender analysis too often lacking in the study of American religious history, it offers a new model for understanding the development of a gendered theology and set of religious practices that influenced Protestantism in a period of enormous social change.


Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780826265807
Publisher: University of Missouri Press
Publication date: 05/20/2013
Sold by: Barnes & Noble
Format: eBook
Pages: 288
File size: 5 MB

About the Author

Thekla Ellen Joiner is Associate Professor of History at Los Angeles Harbor College and lives in Long Beach, California.

Read an Excerpt

Sin in the City

Chicago and Revivalism 1880-1920


By Thekla Ellen Joiner

University of Missouri Press

Copyright © 2007The Curators of the University of Missouri
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8262-2003-5


Excerpt

CHAPTER 1

"True Christinaity" in the Second City

Chicago Evangelicals


By 1890 Chicago had emerged as America's "second city." As the largest city in the developing West, Chicago's grain, lumber, meatpacking, and farm implement industries spurred the city to unparalleled success in both manufacturing and shipping. Canals and then railroads positioned the city as an intermediary between the East and the West, a "gateway city" that tied the western hinterland's farms and small towns to the economies of the Northeast, particularly New York. The 1871 Chicago Fire only affirmed the city's dynamic potential. Even though the fire destroyed twenty-five hundred acres with financial losses topping $250 million, the city had, in the course of two years, rebuilt itself. According to many of the city's boosters, the fire's destruction had been a blessing in disguise. By burning away the conglomeration of buildings at the city's center, the inferno had encouraged the rise of a new Chicago, a more modern, vital city, well organized and complete with skyscrapers. The city's rebound from the fire also reinforced its "can do" image. Despite the horrific scenarios of the fire, the railroads continued to run, products continued to move, and the city continued to grow.

Chicago's keen ability simultaneously to process, market, and transport goods contributed to her position as a retail-wholesale giant. By initiating a new association between the city and its hinterlands, wholesalers like John V. Farwell and Company, Field, Leiter, and Company, and Potter Palmer increasingly replaced eastern suppliers and created financial networks based on buying and selling. This Chicago system epitomized capitalist modernization and quickly established the city as an important retailer in her own right. The city's dominant position in sales was equaled by its role as manufacturer. The initial centerpiece for Chicago's manufacturing sector was the McCormick Reaper Works, but the steel and lumber industries, in addition to meatpacking and grain processing, also contributed to Chicago's explosive growth.


Evangelicals and the "Second City"

By the 1870s and 1880s, the success of both the wholesale and manufacturing sectors generated a wave of wealthy Chicago elites. This group was actually the second group of entrepreneurs to emerge from the city's burgeoning economy. The first wave of Chicago capitalists had benefited from the city's earliest speculative environment in the 1830s and 1840s. First-wave leaders, such as land developer William Ogden, had also actively engaged in city governance. The later wave of entrepreneurs, such as Potter Palmer, Marshall Field, and George Armour, achieved even greater levels of wealth and held social positions that were unrivaled in the Midwest and the nation. Unlike their predecessors, the later group of business leaders disengaged from politics and instead attended strictly to business, linking their own personal success to civic improvement. This group chose to influence the city's direction through private means, such as churches, civic clubs, and private charities.

Protestant evangelicals were represented in both elite groups. Cyrus McCormick, Sr., was part of Chicago's original elite. One biographer of the McCormick family described the elder McCormick as a "John Knox Presbyterian," whose ambitions in life were to "make all the harvesting machines that were made—not one less, and to wage a one-man campaign for Old School Presbyterianism against both the schismatic forces of Higher Criticism and the new theology of liberal Presbyterianism." McCormick was a social conservative and a devout Presbyterian who, beginning in 1847, built his reaper works in Chicago. After making numerous technological improvements to the machine, McCormick shifted his attention to advertising and sales, turning the day-to-day management of the reaper work over to his brother, Leander. To sell his reaper McCormick adapted, or, in many instances, initiated, some of the most modern marketing strategies of the century, tactics that were all geared specifically to the needs and demands of the consumer. McCormick sold his reaper for a fixed price, $120, but in order to accommodate the consumer's large outlay of cash, McCormick allowed farmers to put $30 down to purchase the reaper, then defer payments until after the fall harvest. Commissioned salesmen, who used fliers and testimonials to promote their product, also heavily advertised McCormick's reaper. They also offered guarantees of customer satisfaction. The genius of Cyrus McCormick rested not only in his technical improvements on the reaper but also in his marketing expertise. The success of these techniques spread the reaper into the hinterlands of the Midwest and, along with John Deere's steel plow, led to the settlement and cultivation of the midwestern prairie states. Such tactics also contributed to McCormick's business success. Between 1877 and 1881, McCormick's profits quadrupled, swelling from $325,000 to $1,232,781. By 1891 when his son, Cyrus Jr., joined the American Harvester Company, McCormick's capital worth was estimated at $35 million.

Other Protestant evangelicals embraced Chicago's capitalist ethos. Turlington W. Harvey was a lumber magnate and prominent evangelical. In fewer than twenty years, Harvey rose from an apprentice sash-maker to the owner of several lumberyards in the city. Harvey then vertically integrated his lumber holdings, buying Michigan forests, processing mills, and a steel car company to transport lumber to Chicago for finishing. The Chicago Fire only accelerated Harvey's success. While the city still reeled from the fire's massive destruction, Harvey (whose lumberyard had been miraculously saved from the blaze) began immediate construction on residential housing. Later, in 1888, he and his associates built the town of Harvey, Illinois, one of Chicago's first "dry" suburbs. Harvey's success in lumber positioned him for membership in an elite network of governing boards and trustees that influenced the city's finances. Harvey served as a director of Chicago's National Bank and on the board of American Trust and Savings. Another evangelical, John V. Farwell, earned the title of Chicago's "merchant prince." Like Harvey, Farwell began his career on the bottom rung of the corporate ladder, working as a clerk and stock boy. By the 1890s, Farwell had expanded his initial wholesaling business into the third-largest dry-goods house in the nation. These elites either instigated or oversaw what has been described as a second wave of industrial capitalism, a period of intense industrial concentration and reorganization leading to large Gilded Age corporations controlled by a few industrialist magnates.

For Chicago's evangelical elites, business success validated their religious perspective on the world; their economic achievements legitimated the individualized work ethic of their faith. Elites, like Farwell, encoded their economic accomplishments with spiritual meaning and touted their accumulation of wealth and social status as an obvious example of the rightness of their evangelical values. The material results of their own hard work, frugality, and honesty were balanced with a generosity that typified the nineteenth century's Christian ideal of manhood. As one observer noted when he described John V. Farwell, "The two potent ideas, benevolence and acquisitiveness, were married within him." This version of manhood justified evangelical economic theory and informed attitudes toward work relations.

Beneath Chicago's elite was a burgeoning middle class of managers, bookkeepers, and clerks who were also invested in the city's industrial and retail success. As industrial capitalism became more corporative, its middle class became more professionalized and develo
(Continues...)


Excerpted from Sin in the City by Thekla Ellen Joiner. Copyright © 2007 by The Curators of the University of Missouri. Excerpted by permission of University of Missouri Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Table of Contents

PREFACE ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Xiii INTRODUCTION I CHAPTER I "True Christianity" in the Second City CHICAGO EVANGELICALS 21 CHAPTER 2 "Sow the Wind, Reap the Whirlwind" THE 1893 WORLD'S FAIR CAMPAIGN 63 CHAPTER 3 "Convert Chicago through Its Women!" THE 1910 CHAPMAN-ALEXANDER SIMULTANEOUS CAMPAIGN 109 CHAPTER 4 "I'I Never Be an Angel If I Haven't Manhood Enough to Be a Man!" THE 1918 BILLY SUNDAY REVIVAL i68 CONCLUSION "Thank You, Lord, for Our Testosterone" THE END (TIMES) 223 WORKS CITED 243
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