Gender, Education, and Training / Edition 1 available in Paperback
Gender, Education, and Training / Edition 1
- ISBN-10:
- 0855984007
- ISBN-13:
- 9780855984007
- Pub. Date:
- 10/01/1998
- Publisher:
- Oxfam Publishing
Gender, Education, and Training / Edition 1
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Overview
Gender, Education and Training looks at the imbalance in educational participation among women and men, and reflects on its causes and consequences. Some papers offer solutions, for example; gender-awareness training for teachers in Nepal, and an approach to adult literacy training which promotes gender equality. Others look at education as an empowering process, highlighting the problem that too often the formal education system serves merely to confirm gender stereotypes, and school women for subordination. Equally important, the book looks at education outside the formal system, including a description of the use of a range of public education approaches to challenge harmful traditional practices, including female genital mutilation, in Ethiopia. No other books in this field look at issues of education and training together; this book also takes a valuable overview of both women and girls. This volume will be of interest to students and academics in the field of development studies, women's studies and education, as well as to development practitioners.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780855984007 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Oxfam Publishing |
| Publication date: | 10/01/1998 |
| Series: | Oxfam Focus on Gender Series |
| Edition description: | New Edition |
| Pages: | 80 |
| Product dimensions: | 7.50(w) x 9.75(h) x 0.70(d) |
About the Author
Caroline Sweetman is Editor of the international journal Gender and Development.
Read an Excerpt
CHAPTER 1
Reconciling Islam and feminism
Iman Hashim
Islam is often represented as a religion which denigrates women and limits their freedom. However, many scholars have found evidence in Islamic texts which is supportive of women's rights. Whereas Western concepts of feminism are often resisted as foreign and subversive of Muslim culture, arguments for women's equality from within Islam hold a lot of potential for feminists.
Feminists have tended to regard religion as just another of the sources of women's subordination, citing the manner in which women are often represented as subordinated in religious texts, and the frequency with which religion is used to justify and maintain men's dominant position in society (White 1992). Although these charges are levelled at all the major religions, Islam in particular has a reputation for being 'anti-woman' and for supporting a segregated social system where women are economically and politically marginalised.
Many Muslim women and men disagree with such a view, arguing that the Qur'an provides significant rights for women, which are often far more wide-reaching than the rights which secular legal systems provide for a state's female citizens. However, many Muslims are frequently mistrustful of feminism, because they see the feminist emphasis on equal rights as at odds with the Islamic notion of the complementarity of the sexes, and the specific roles and rights laid down for men and women, which they believe reflect their particular strengths and weaknesses (Afshar 1997).
Given these differences, it is somewhat unsurprising that Western feminists have not drawn upon Islamic texts when addressing gender inequalities in Muslim societies. In this article, however, I shall question such a position and argue that, for a variety of reasons, feminists may have more to lose than to gain from maintaining such a view.
Islam and the West
The first issue that must be addressed when considering the relationship between feminism and Islam is the historical relationship between Islamic and Western societies, as this has important ramifications for both Muslim women in general and feminists, Muslim or otherwise. This history is best described as one of conflict and mistrust, stemming from the real – and perceived – economic, political, and theological threats which Islamic and Western social systems have posed to each other. This tense relationship has continued, and even intensified, in the modern era, particularly since the 1970s, when the world began to witness something of an Islamic revival (Esposito 1992).
In the West, the enmity between these ideological positions is reflected in the representations of Islam which conjure up images of totalitarian states and irrational believers – violent, oppressive men and powerless, submissive women. This misrepresentation in the West has been a means of supporting and maintaining its position of dominance (Said 1978). Stories of the poor treatment of Muslim women were used by colonial powers (Ahmed 1992) and missionaries (Kandiyoti 1991) to discredit Islam, and 'the custom of veiling and the position of women in Muslim societies became, in their rhetoric, the proof of the inferiority of Islam and the justification of their efforts to undermine Muslim religion and society' (Ahmed 1992, 236-7). The result has been that as a defensive reaction, the Islamist position regarding women has become even more retrogressive and reactionary, to the extent that Afkhami, an academic and political activist, goes so far as to suggest that 'contemporary Islamist regimes are most lucidly identified, and differentiated from other regimes, by the position they assign to women in the family and in society' (Afkhami 1995,1). Any intervention targeted at women, or any attempt by feminists to change the position of Muslim women from a position which totally rejects Islam, results in accusations of cultural imperialism or neo-imperialism (Kandiyoti 1991).
Reasons for feminist engagement with Islam
Currently, accusations of neo-imperialism are most visible in the context of development work, as it is in this arena that most feminist thought is 'delivered' to Muslim countries. For example, Rashiduzzaman (1997) reports on increasing attacks on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) by Islamist groups in Bangladesh, who see these NGOs as cultural adversaries, and part of the more general 'Western' project of domination. Such views can all too easily be used by opponents of women's rights to rally opposition to feminist ideas (An-Na'im 1995), while local participants in a development project lay themselves open to accusations of betrayal (Kandiyoti 1991). These considerations provide the first reason for feminist engagement with Islam.
A further problem with a feminist position which totally rejects Islam is that this does not take into account the importance of Islam for women. Women do not tend to report religion as the source of constraints placed on them (Shaheed 1995); moreover, religion often gives women a sense of identity and belonging, not to mention psychological support. This makes it almost impossible for the average Muslim woman to retain her identity and position in society, were she to reject religious laws and customs (Shaheed 1995), especially because 'in the absence of alternatives it is unlikely that women will abandon precisely those structures that provide them with solace and supporf (ibid., 92). Therefore, secularist arguments will have little or no appeal to Muslim women. Many women are, moreover, interpreting religion in their own way as a means of responding to oppression. For example, practices such as the Zar (spirit possession) act as legitimate opportunities for the oppressed to 'let off steam' (Kandiyoti 1998), and some argue that women also use them to 'form friendships and patron-client relationships, to promote economic transactions and to offer and gain services' (Constantinides 1978, in Hale 1996, 234).
It is therefore highly relevant for development practitioners to take into consideration the relevance of local beliefs. The importance of making interventions appropriate to the indigenous context has recently been recognised in development thinking as central to the effectiveness of planning and implementing development work (Stirrat and Henkel 1996). From this perspective, it is important that development practitioners and/ or feminists address Islam, not only to avoid inappropriate interventions which might alienate the communities in which they work, but also to be aware of existing social structures and norms which might promote more effective implementation.
Addressing women's interests through the Qur'an
There is a significant gap between what the Qur'an says and the manner in which its teachings are practised (Ali 1993); and the Qur'an provides rights for women which can immediately be drawn upon to improve women's circumstances. Those issues that women usually do complain about, such as lack of freedom to make decisions for themselves, or the inability to earn an income (for example, Shaheed 1995), can all be addressed by referring to the Qur'an. I am not suggesting that knowledge of one's rights according to the Qur'an can be sufficient for changing social relations. However, women can and have used these to great effect. Much of the women's movement in the West has focused not only on bringing gender inequalities to light, but on formalising issues in legislation. Yet here in Islam, we as women have rights which are stated in a source considered to be divine, and consequently much harder to refute, but which we do not draw upon.
For example, Goetz and Gupta's (1994) study on credit provided to women in rural Bangladesh finds that a significant proportion of these loans are directly invested by their male relatives. Women borrowers thus bear the responsibility for repayment without necessarily benefiting from the loan. They argue that women's access to credit is important, but limited as a strategy for women's empowerment, given the lack of their control over these loans. However, a verse in the Qur'an (4:34) is frequently interpreted as giving women complete control over their own income and property, while men should be responsible for maintaining their female relatives. If education on such a right was incorporated into the consciousness-raising components of credit programmes, it might prove an effective means of preventing the misappropriation of women's property, given that Muslims consider its source indisputable.
Promoting women's knowledge of their Islamic rights becomes even more important when one considers the frequency with which politico-religious groups cite so-called Islamic laws applied in other Muslim countries to support their own demands for more stringent or discriminatory 'Islamic' law (Shaheed 1995), or the manner in which Muslims are often misled by self-ordained Muslim divines (Bhatty 1993). Given their levels of illiteracy, particularly women's illiteracy, and the fact that the Qur'an is often still read in Arabic, poor Muslims are particularly vulnerable to this kind of manipulation.
Indeed, the historical misrepresentation of Islam has had profound and far-reaching consequences for women. The most glaring cases are the practices of veiling and purdah (seclusion). Many argue that these have no foundation in the Qur'an, but demonstrate the manner in which patriarchy has circumvented the Qur'an's essentially egalitarian message (Mernissi in El-Solh and Mabro 1994). It is worth exploring this argument in greater detail, as a means of illustrating how Islam has been used as a method of controlling women. This points out the necessity to engage with Islam from a position of knowing, and to ensure that Muslim women have access to this knowledge.
The example of veiling and purdah
There are four verses in the Qur'an that are used to justify veiling and/or purdah (seclusion). They are open to a number of interpretations, as is evidenced from the enormous variation in whether practice veiling and/or purdah or not. A Lebanese scholar, who undertook an extensive study of the various interpretations, states that she found over 10 interpretations – 'none of them in harmony or even agreement with the others' (Zin al-Din 1928, in Shabaan 1995, 65). Two verses are addressed to women in general, and two to the Prophets' wives (Shabaan 1995). However, their interpretation as commandments to veiling is challenged by Islamic scholars from a variety of perspectives.
The two verses addressed to the Prophet Mohamed's wives are 33:33 and 33:53, exhorting them to 'stay quietly in your houses and make not a dazzling display, like that of the former Times of Ignorance'; and stating: 'And when ye ask (his ladies) for anything ye want, ask them from before a screen: that makes for greater purity for your hearts and for theirs'. These verses often form the basis for arguments in favour of veiling and seclusion; other Islamic scholars argue that such interpretations are inaccurate, particularly in light of the fact that women in general, as well as the Prophet's wives – particularly Khadija – were often publicly visible, and independent, wealthy, and active in their own right (Stowasser 1987). Such interpreters suggest that rather than an injunction to cover up and stay behind closed doors the first of these verses is an injunction against parading finery, in keeping with the Islamic ethos of not coveting or valuing material goods (Ali 1993). Similarly, the second of these verses can be interpreted, even by non-feminists, as a mark of respect for the Prophet's wives rather than a demand for their seclusion (Ali 1936). Even if one disagrees with these interpretations, the Qur'an states clearly that the Prophet's wives are not like other women (33:32); consequently, the verses directed at them can be argued not to apply to women as a group (Stowasser 1987).
The two verses that refer to women in general have been similarly challenged. These state: 'O Prophet! Tell Thy wives and daughters, and the believing women, that they should cast their outer garments over their persons (when abroad) that is most convenient that they should be known as such and not molested' (33:59); 'And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty ...' (24:31). The first of these, however, must be read in context: Ali (1936) explains that the object was not to restrict the liberty of women, but to signify their identity as Muslims, and thus protect them from harm in the insecure conditions in Medina at the time. It requires a significant stretch of the imagination to interpret these verses as meaning that women should be totally covered or confined to their homes. Furthermore, if women were to be entirely covered, there would be no need to ask men to also lower their gaze and guard their modesty (Shabaan 1995). Similarly, it has been argued that, as it is compulsory for women not to cover their faces during pilgrimage and prayer, two of the central five pillars of Islam, then it would be nonsensical to do so ordinarily (Al-Ghazali in Shabaan 1995). Women's public visibility during the Prophet Mohamed's own life-time undermines the arguments for seclusion. Finally, if women were to be in seclusion and thus not actively engaged in earning an income, what would be the purpose of the verse that states 'to men is allotted what they earn and to women what they earn' (4:32) (Abu Shiqa in Shabaan 1995, 75)?
Although there are many problems with the representation of veiling and purdah in Western, and early feminist, literature, which has helped to perpetuate an image of Muslim women as victims, and denied the diversity of meaning and practice associated with this tradition, it is generally accepted that these practices contribute to women's subordination. They frequently restrict women's movements, affecting their access to production and economic autonomy, and increasing their dependence on men (Gardner 1994). Veiling has become an institutionalised aspect of Islam in many Muslim societies, which serves to illustrate both the importance of a knowledge of Qur'anic injunctions, and the need to challenge patriarchal interpretations which are used as a justification for practices which maintain an inequitable status quo. As for purdah, while interpretations of the Qur'an which have obliged women to remain within the household have not always precluded Muslim women from earning a living – a well-known example in the gender and development literature is of the lace-makers of Narsapur – the degree to which they have control over these earnings is questionable, given their inevitable marginalisation from institutions which could represent them, and dependency on male relations for the marketing of goods (Mies 1982).
Reconciling Islam and feminism by returning to the Qur'an
Despite the various advantages of drawing upon Islam when addressing women's position in Muslim societies, some might argue that Islam is ultimately a religion which provides men with status, control, and authority over women, and which supports a system of inequitable gender relations, and that one should not attempt to tackle women's subordination through a religion which is, in the final analysis, inegalitarian. However, of recent years activists have made efforts to reinterpret the Islamic sources, suggesting that these can be read as fully supportive of equal human rights for all.
These arguments are complex. Put simply, this strategy involves returning to the Qur'an, and conducting a study of the value system presented in the holy book. The first point these activists make is that we must look to the Qur'an, not the other Islamic sources – the hadith, the sunna, and the shariah – for guidance. The hadith and sunna are commentaries on the Prophet's life, tradition, and sayings, while the shariah refers to laws created in the first centuries after the Prophet's lifetime (An-Na'im 1995). In other words, all these sources are the outcome of human understandings of the Qur'an, which are influenced by the context in which they were conceived. As this was an era which was organised hierarchically and patriarchally, these sources inevitably reflect this reality, and the identity of the commentators, who were overwhelmingly men (Afkhami 1997).
(Continues…)
Excerpted from "Gender, Religion, and Spirituality"
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Table of Contents
Gender, education and training: an international perspective; Gender issues in the REFLECT approach to literacy; Popular education and training against female genital mutilation in Ethiopia; Education for women's empowerment or schooling for subordination; Nepalese education for girls and Stereotypes of male and female education in Zimbabwe.