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Inside Apartheid
One Woman's Struggle in South Africa
By Janet Levine OPEN ROAD INTEGRATED MEDIA
Copyright © 2013 Janet Levine
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-5040-2883-7
CHAPTER 1
The Dumping Grounds
My journey began on the verandah of Jean Graham's home in Parktown, Johannesburg. It was a midsummer afternoon in January 1984.
"You should come to see for yourself."
"I'd love to. Could I come with you on a trip? Venda, the far north? I'd like to see the extent of the drought, some of the more remote 'resettlement' areas. And, of course, the work you're doing."
Len Apfel, short, all but bald, with a ruddy complexion and sympathetic blue eyes behind his glasses, pushed his nondescript straw hat to the back of his head. (It was a gesture I was to come to know well.) He scratched his seventy-three-year-old pate.
"It's rough, you know — hot this time of year, no luxuries."
"Suits me fine. I've roughed it before."
"There won't be much room. Mary's coming, and we'll be loaded to the roof with milk powder. There're only two seats in the van. But if you don't mind, we've done it before — made a seat out of a bag of milk powder and some cushions."
"I don't mind at all. Will Mary mind if I come?"
"No, she likes you — heard you speak once, thinks you're brave ..."
"Okay, great. When's this trip likely to be?"
"Probably sometime in February — a week?" Jean Graham, a mutual friend, came back to the verandah with drinks. "You're honoured," she said to me. "I've been asking him to take me on a trip for years, but he never has."
Len blushed. I winked at him. Tough as teak she may be inside, but delicately attractive, English rose Jean Graham in the Venda bush in February was an image that did not come easily to mind.
In fact over the years Len had taken only a handful of people with him — a few carefully chosen fellow travellers. And never a journalist.
We drank a toast to the trip — an unlikely trio. There has never been anyone quite like Len or, for that matter, Jean. And me.
Our departure day arrived, the dawn bright and cloudless. It was already hot outside at six o'clock in the morning. Len arrived in the van and shook Sandy's hand. Sandy squeezed my overnight bag into a crevice among the hundred-pound bags of milk powder. He had mixed feelings about my going on this trip.
"Where can I get hold of you?"
"You can't. Len says it's easier for me to phone you. Don't worry, I'll phone when I can."
Len drove us through the quiet, early Sunday morning streets to Bryanston, where Mary Hanna lived. The drought was in its third year, and the usually magnificent Johannesburg suburban gardens were looking brown and dry, despite the many boreholes drilled in recent months to overcome the two-year-long municipal watering restrictions.
Mary Hanna and her husband, Tony, were waiting for us. Tony put a small overnight bag for Mary and a large Styro-foam cooler box into the van. Mary took over the driver's seat. I wedged myself back onto my makeshift seat, and Len sat beside me. I liked Mary instantly. Slightly older than I, with a short cropped haircut and a lilting Welsh accent, she seemed down-to-earth and handy.
"Drive carefully." Tony Hanna waved to us as we went through the gateposts. Mary and Len were business partners, and she served as chairman of Save the Children Fund, an international organisation for the welfare of children. Together they ran Imqualife — "a better life" — an enterprise that each month provided high-protein products (mainly milk powder) at subsidised prices to over half a million desperate black people living in the rural areas of South Africa. With Len as my guide, I was going to see the rural "dumping grounds" for myself.
Our route took us through the outskirts of Pretoria, thirty-five miles from Johannesburg, and then through Hamanskraal, another thirty miles north. The farther we went, the hotter it became. The veld had been devastated by the drought, with grass sparse and trees stunted. The miles of mealie (maize) fields, too, showed evidence of the drought: only those areas that had been irrigated were green. I had time for reflection. I was truly apprehensive. In my heart of hearts I did not want to see at first hand the horror of the genocide the dumping grounds meant. I did not want to accept the reality of the direction apartheid racism had taken, to witness this outrage against humanity engineered in the name of "securing white identity." Inadvertently, my identity too, the identity of all four-and-a-half million whites who were complicitly involved in this crime, guilty of the sin of commission.
Already, over the last five years, I had seen several of the camps. Winterveld, an urban slum of about seven hundred thousand people about twenty miles west of Pretoria, was one. Aside from a single tarred road for a bus service that accommodated the labour needs of neighbouring white industries, and a police station, Winterveld has no infrastructure. Water is sold by the bucket, for the water supply is polluted by the pit latrines. Cholera and other waterborne diseases are rife. The people were moved here when black housing development was frozen by the authorities in nearby townships.
I had also seen Crossroads, perhaps the most famous resettlement camp, because of the brave defiance of the residents in resisting the persecution of the police in successive attempts to tear down and destroy their crude makeshift shacks. Despite the efforts of the residents and public support groups in Cape Town, Crossroads remains a festering sore of malnutrition, infant mortality, and dire poverty.
I had seen Rooigrond, in the western Transvaal near Lichtenburg. The people there had been uprooted from their ancestral home in Machaviestad near Potchefstroom in 1971. They were told it was a temporary move. They were given tin toilets, tents, corrugated iron shacks. The area is arid and thorny, the only water supply from one windmill. The people have done little to build homes and improve their living conditions; they still believe the move is temporary. They are apathetic and despairing.
I had seen Dimbaza in the Eastern Cape, Limehill in Natal, Mdantsane near East London — reservoirs of what the government calls "surplus people." And there are hundreds of other resettlement camps. But I had never before had the opportunity to go north, to what Len calls the "real thing."
On our journey that first morning he had told me of what he had seen on one of his most recent trips. "I was in Kwa-Ndebele, another 'homeland,' another reservoir of desperation. At Philadelphia Hospital near Groblersdal I saw appalling evidence of rampant malnutrition. The hospital smelt of rotting flesh — even I couldn't stand it. Forty children in a ward for twelve, lying under cots and on the floor, all emaciated, most with blobs of white flesh where their eyes had been. A shortage of doctors, the administrator said. But when Philadelphia Hospital was run by mission staff, it was excellent. Such government restrictions now ... no money for staff, for equipment, and with the drought the need is threefold." Len had shaken his head and made a rare political judgement. "Apartheid critics are right, you know. Dumping people in the homelands is genocide."
And now I was to see that genocide for myself. Like Marlow I was journeying to find my own Kurtz deep in South Africa's heart of darkness.
By ten o'clock we made our first stop for a cup of tea at Nylstroom, about a hundred miles north of Johannesburg. Nylstroom was named by the early Trekkers after the great Nile River in North Africa. A century and a half ago, after months in the wilderness, they had thought they had found the source of the Nile.
The heat beat down on us, and even the grass had given up here. The veld was naked. Raw wisps of last year's grass stalks hung tenaciously to the dusty soil.
At the roadside café parking lot where we stopped (we drank our tea from Mary's thermos flask while standing at our van) we saw a few burly farmers dressed in the customary khaki shirts and shorts, their skin burnt to a ruddy bronze hue. They hurried in and out of the café with Rapport, the largest-circulation
Afrikaans-language Sunday newspaper. In their "bak-kies," small pickup vans, sat their wives in demure floral dresses, some wearing Sunday-best hats for church. A black man desultorily swept the dust from the slate stone entrance to the café; a cluster of black women in the highly coloured traditional dress spoke earnestly while sitting in the dust outside. It was a scene you could have found anywhere in the rural areas of South Africa on any Sunday morning.
Then we were driving north through Naboomspruit (Baobab Spring) in the far north. This is a stronghold of Afrikaner conservatism, the stamping ground of Andries Treurnicht, Jaap Marais, and other reactionary visionaries of the white right wing who during the jolt to the right in the whites-only election of May 1987 had become the official opposition in the whites-only Parliament.
In South Africa's political lexicon, President Pieter Botha's party, which has made up the South African government since 1948, is called the National Party — the Nationalists or Nats. The Nats being conservative in the extreme, it is hard to imagine a political grouping to the right of them, but there is such a group. They — Treurnicht, Marais, and others — call themselves the Conservative Party, and they are currently the fastest-growing political movement among white South Africans. Their ranks include a neo-Nazi cadre, complete with a three-legged swastika emblem and a body of storm troopers. Eugene Terre Blanche (he acquired that surname, which in Afrikaans can be translated as White Earth) is the strident leader of this neo-Nazi grouping, which decries Botha and his party for wanting to "give away South Africa to the blacks." They vow to fight to the death to protect their white "birthright." Botha and his henchmen are watching with apprehension the growth of this far-right movement as it eats into their traditional support — diehard white nationalists. It is interesting to note that in the apartheid regime's crackdown on antiapartheid groups in February 1988 seventeen black organisations were banned, but no white right-wing activists. Yet Terre Blanche's Afrikaner Weerstandbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement) outside of Parliament and Treurnicht's Conservative Party inside of Parliament are avowedly and outspokenly opposed to Botha and what they call his "reform-prone" National Party.
White farmers in the far north use women from the resettlement camps as labour. They pay them about thirty rand ($20) a month and a bag of maize meal. On my journey, I saw in the early mornings several trucks packed tightly with women being transported from the arid "homeland" areas to the irrigated green farms. Sometimes the two were on either side of a road.
About fifty miles past Naboomspruit we swung left, off the highway onto a minor road. We were travelling west into the southwest corner of the "homeland" of Lebowa. A turn onto a pitted sand road took us into the northern Transvaal bushveld. The grass was sparse and dry, but the drought-resistant acacia trees were thriving. The bright green of their tiny leaves on umbrella-shaped branches was in sharp contrast to the browns and greys of the bush.
"St. Brendan's" — the iron letters on the arch over the entrance appeared suddenly. Our second stop, St. Brendan's Mission, Dwarspruit (Lost Spring), was a school and a bush clinic in the dry Lebowa scrub.
The two Irish nuns who ran the clinic were still at Sunday Mass with five hundred black schoolchildren. While waiting for them, Mary and I wandered through the clinic. It was housed in a small, old farmhouse with thick walls, a rusted corrugated-iron roof, and a wide verandah. The building was a weathered grey, in keeping with the surrounding dry bush and the dusty sand.
A black nurse greeted Mary and offered to escort us. The clinic attended to thirty-eight thousand patients a year, the same number as would be attended to in a small city hospital with a full staff and modern equipment. Here there was no doctor, and the staff consisted of two nuns and the local assistants they had trained. The equipment was antiquated and makeshift. The clinic was scrubbed clean, but it was in need of repair — walls, ceilings, windows, paint. In a room crowded with mattresses, about forty women, all in advanced stages of pregnancy, waited, sometimes for days, we were told, for the onset of labour. They stared dully at us, a helplessness in their demeanour, many with small infants pulling at them. In the postnatal room, shining clean, tiny newborn babies slept in cardboard boxes lined with worn blankets.
Outside, in front of an adjoining building, six young children played listlessly in the sand. They were "kwash" patients, their hair tinged red, staring eyes huge and vacant, and limbs stick-thin. Not even my crouching on my knees to photograph them elicited a response. Looking at them, I was reminded of a scene Len had described to me: "I saw my first case of kwashiorkor in a church in the Potgietersrus district. A mother and daughter sat next to me. The child looked all right, with fat, shiny cheeks. She held an orange in her hand. But she just stood there — beautifully dressed for church — stood with her orange, her face expressionless. She was a vegetable. It was such a shock to me. I thought she was about six years old, but her mother told me she was ten."
Kwashiorkor is the name given to malnutrition in South Africa. It is rife in the rural areas; almost every black child suffers from it to some degree. In severe kwash cases the lack of protein retards mental growth, growth that can never be regained — part of the pattern of genocide in the "homelands."
Like much else in the apartheid regime's own brand of double-talk, the "homelands" is an insensitive misnomer. The people who are forcibly removed to the "homelands" are unwilling and impotent victims of a grand apartheid design, made law in the early 1970s. The intent of the design, the "removals," is to divide South Africa into racially separate areas with 80 percent of the land remaining in the hands of 13 percent of the population, the whites. The process of the design, "resettlement," involves a huge bureaucratic network that spans the country. The "homelands" are the most barren and inhospitable areas, the majority of them located in an archipelago stretching across the northern and eastern reaches, islands of blacks in a sea of whites.
Since 1975, upward of three million people have been uprooted in a system of social engineering that has only one precedent on this scale — the removal of Jews (and others) by the Nazis to the death camps in eastern Europe in the late thirties and early forties. The Nazis formulated a short-term solution to their Jewish "problem"; the apartheid regime has designed a scheme of long-term genocide: the slow death by starvation of the people in the "homelands," while they are barely able — and sometimes simply unable — to eke out their own subsistence.
The "homelands" sprawl over a dry, dusty landscape peopled by the old and disabled, the women and small children — emaciated, dispirited, hopeless. They are the "surplus people," all those who serve no purpose in the white economy.
Near St. Brendan's we stopped so that I could speak to an old woman gathering low-growing dry grass stalks about twenty yards from the sand road. I raised my hand in greeting as she straightened up from her task to look at me. She raised her hand back at me. She wore a faded and worn shirt many sizes too big for her and a large piece of cloth wrapped around her emaciated frame. Her long, bony feet were bare, and her arms were spindle-thin.
"Ngogo," I addressed her in the only formal, respectful greeting I knew for an older woman, although I knew it to be a Zulu word and she probably spoke SeSotho. But this greeting brought a smile to her leathery, lined face. She had only a couple of teeth, but her dark brown eyes set deeply in her wrinkled face were not dull. I pointed to the small pile of grasses at her feet.
"What is that? What do you do with that?"
By now Len had joined me, and he translated as she spoke slowly in SeSotho. "She says it is wild spinach. It's her only source of food now. She has to feed her four grandchildren, her daughter's children. Her daughter is looking for work in Louis Trichardt but hasn't sent any money yet."
"Ask her how old she is."
Len spoke politely to the old woman while I brushed a worrisome fly off my face. The heat shimmered around us, bouncing off the thorn trees and the grey ground.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Inside Apartheid by Janet Levine. Copyright © 2013 Janet Levine. Excerpted by permission of OPEN ROAD INTEGRATED MEDIA.
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