Linguistic and Cultural Acquisition in a Migrant Community

by David Singleton (Editor), Vera Regan (Editor), Ewelina Debaene (Editor)

Overview

This book provides a linguistic and cultural profile of the Polish diasporic communities in three different European countries: Ireland, France and Austria. The eight contributing chapters present original research on the acquisition and use of the languages of the respective host communities and also explore related elements of cultural acquisition. A number of aspects of second language acquisition are considered, notably the acquisition of phonology, lexicon and discourse, as well as aspects of sociolinguistic competence. In addition, varying approaches and research methods are reported on, each of which was chosen in consideration of the particular research issue addressed and the particular circumstances under which the research was carried out. These range from psycholinguistic approaches to second language acquisition to variationist approaches, and include both quantitative and qualitative methodologies.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9781847699893
Publisher:	Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Publication date:	06/15/2013
Series:	Second Language Acquisition Series , #69
Pages:	200
Product dimensions:	5.90(w) x 8.40(h) x 0.60(d)

About the Author

David Singleton is Professor, University of Pannonia, Hungary and Fellow Emeritus, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland. He has published widely on second language acquisition, multilingualism and lexicology and is the series editor for the SLA series published by Multilingual Matters.

Vera Regan is Associate Professor of Sociolinguistics at University College Dublin. She is Chevalier de l’ordre des Palmes Académiques and has served as President of the European Second Language Association, President of the Association for French Language Association, and President of the Association of Canadian Studies in Ireland.

Ewelina Debaene holds a PhD in English Applied Linguistics from Warsaw University (2005). She has worked as a Lecturer in Polish Language and Culture at Trinity College Dublin and is currently delivering a series of lectures at Marii Curie-SkÅÂodowska University and the Medical University of Lublin.

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Linguistic and Cultural Acquisition in a Migrant Community

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By David Singleton, Vera Regan, Ewelina Debaene

Multilingual Matters

Copyright © 2013 David Singleton, Vera Regan, Ewelina Debaene and the authors of individual chapters
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-84769-989-3

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CHAPTER 1

Emigration Versus Mobility. The Case of the Polish Community in France and Ireland

Ewelina Debaene

A comparative study of the Polish Diaspora, which formed in France in the 1980s, and the recent post-accession Polish community in Ireland has been undertaken to examine the two migration patterns: (a) migration for settlement and (b) mobility within the EU. Various circumstances under which the two groups migrated, their respective concerns at various stages of their stay abroad, the coping strategies used to minimise stressful situations, language-learning strategies, as well as maintenance of native language and culture have been analysed. The research methods to date have included interviews and media coverage analyses, conducted both in France and Ireland. The preliminary results have indicated factors that are most influential on the process of integration, among others: reasons to migrate, distribution and number of migrants in the host country, socioeconomic status, length of residence, visits to the home country and institutional representation.

Introduction

The point of departure for this comparative study is to examine the experience of a well-established Polish Community in France with a view to gaining a better understanding of the processes involved in the current migration of Polish people to Ireland. The two groups being compared are (a) those Poles who came to France in the 1980s, as part of the 'Solidarity generation' and chose to leave Poland during a time of political upheaval, economic depression and Communist rule and (b) Poles who came to Ireland after the accession of Poland to the European Union in May 2004.

In the following parts of this paper, primary attention will be given to the findings of an interview-based study undertaken among members of the Polish Community, which formed in France during the period of Solidarity (the 1980s). Insights from interviews with representatives of various Polish organisations in France and Polish people who have lived in France for 20 years or more, worked, and established families there, will enable us to examine the process of integration. Against a backdrop of the history of Polish migration to France, major factors which influenced the policy and strategies for migration implemented in France in the 1980s will be discussed. In its final parts, the paper will discuss insights from interviews conducted over the last two years among members of the Polish Community in Ireland. Based on this comparison, factors which are most influential on the routes of integration and decisive in the choice of strategy for migration will be delineated.

Polish Migration to France: Historical Background

Emigration has been a staple feature of the Polish societal landscape for at least 200 years. Poland was virtually wiped off the map of Europe for a period of 123 years, from 1795 when it was partitioned between three neighbouring countries until the year 1918, after which it finally regained its independence. It is not an overstatement to say that the most valuable contribution to Polish cultural heritage (artistic, educational, literary) was made outside the Polish borders. As a result of long-lasting bonds between Poland and France, Poles have long been migrating to France and establishing political and cultural centres there, most of which are still operating today. Numerous places, buildings and statues in France still bear witness to the Polish legacy and Cité Nationale de l'Histoire de l'Immigration (Immigration Museum opened in Paris in October 2007) devoted a substantial gallery space to materials related to the history of Polish immigration in France.

It is estimated that French 'Polonia', as the Polish Community outside the Polish borders is referred to, numbers 800,000 or even 1 million, and in Europe it is outnumbered only by the Polish Community in Germany (Judycki and Judycka, 1996: 18; Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN, 1995: 430).

Five main periods of Polish migration to France can be distinguished.

(1) The Great Emigration – the wave of the Polish refugees between 1831 and 1835. The Poles were migrating then, fleeting repression associated with the partition and exacerbated after the collapse of the November Rising in 1831. The name 'great' refers rather to the fact that this was considered an emigration of political elites, and is not reflected in numbers, estimated at approximately 5000–10,000 (e.g. Dybkowska et al., 2002: 179; Geremek & Frybes, 2004: 115).

(2) The interbellum period, called otherwise the Second Great Emigration – the influx of Polish workers after the immigration convention, which regulated the employment of foreign workers in industry and agriculture, was signed in 1919. The Poles, coming primarily from poverty-stricken rural and mining areas in Poland, established a large community in France, mainly in its northern, industrial regions, which in 1931 numbered 507,811 (Jendrowiak, 2002: 45; Schnapper et al., 2003: 19; Ponty, 2004: 126). Push and pull mechanisms were primarily economic in this period. The majority of newcomers found employment in mining and agriculture. Slag heaps still bear witness to the long-lasting traditions of the profession dominated by the Polish community there.

(3) The post-1968 emigration, caused by political upheavals and the anti-Semitic policy in Poland. The total number of Polish citizens (mainly of Jewish origins) who left Poland in result of anti-Semitic policy is estimated 12,000–20,000 (without breakdown into destination countries) (cf. Dybkowska, 1996).

(4) The post-1980 (between 1980–1989) emigration – the main focus of our research –frequently referred to as 'Solidarity migration' (see following section on the Polish Community in France).

(5) The year 1989 and after – emigration which took place after the Round Table talks and the collapse of the Iron Curtain. Free movement of people across the borders facilitated migration, which was primarily economically motivated. Poles who came to France after 1989 in a majority of cases intended to stay for a couple of years, save up enough to invest in Poland and then to return (cf. Hladkiewicz, 2002).

Following Poland's accession to the EU in 2004, the perspective of the influx of Polish migrant workers into France was subject to a heated debate, popularly associated with the 'Polish plumbers'. In fact, the numbers were much less significant than predicted, and the European Economic Community (EEC) workforce now represents less than 1% of the EU's active population (Michel, 2007).

As our research so far has focused on the Polish Community which formed in France in the 1980s, it will be treated in more detail below.

The Polish Community in France Formed After 1980

The so-called 'Solidarity Emigration' reached a peak during and in the aftermath of the declaration of Martial Law (1981–1983), when the ruling Communist party in Poland allowed one-way cross-border movement in an attempt to eliminate the opposition leaders. In terms of factors which influenced the decision to emigrate, this outflow of Polish people is a complex phenomenon and by no means easy to classify. Despite the common notion that it was made up of the anti-communist activists, fleeing political repression (e.g. Zalninski, 2005), economic factors also played a non-negligible role, as many historians agree (e.g. Habielski, 1995: 37). Polish people who came to France before 1989 usually intended to stay permanently.

Table 1.1 indicates the number Polish nationals who were granted stay permits in France between 1 January 1980 and 31 December 1989. Data are obtained from the French Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Poles who arrived in France before the collapse of communism in 1989 were effectively granted political asylum, work permits and, in a matter of 3 years, French citizenship. The procedure for granting political refugee status was handled by OFPRA, L'Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides. Especially during the times of Martial Law, the majority of applications were approved, as follows: in 1981: 68,4%, of approved applications in 1982: 93.1%; in 1983: 82.3% (source: OFPRA).

An overview of literature of the subject, further substantiated in the course of interviews with employees of the Polish institutions in France, suggests that no reliable data exist regarding distribution of Polish people in France, e.g. in urban and rural areas (Representative of the Polish Consulate in Paris, personal communication, May, 2007). In the same vein, Schnapper et al. remark that foreigners often disappear from the French statistics as 'the French pattern of integration is based on the idea of the legal transformation of immigrants and their children into French citizens' and it is a very difficult task to obtain statistical data, especially as concerns second-generation migrants (Schnapper et al., 2003: 18).

According to our informants, the majority of Polish people who came to France in the 1980s settled in the Parisian region. Paris offered the best chances for accommodation and employment, whilereas Polish organisations and support centres, operating mainly in the capital, facilitated the initial period in France (Representative of the Polish Catholic Mission, personal communication, May, 2007).

Unlike the early decades of the 20th century, when miners constituted almost 80% of the Polish Community in France, it is impossible to talk of dominant professional sectors in the Polish Community formed in the period of Solidarity. It is a common notion, however, that this group of migrants consisted of members of well-educated groups ('inteligencja'). After the initial stage when, hampered by limited language skills, they often had to accept jobs below their qualifications (as au-pairs or manual workers), the newcomers were later employed in a vast range of professions.

French Policy Towards Immigration

Even though the French debate on immigration has for the most part focused on 'non-European' migrants, some of its implications have also impacted on the integration path pursued by the Polish Community. In France, an immigration country for over a century and a half, there is a strong tradition of an 'assimilation' policy. As Kastroyano observes, '[t]he [...] French model, based on republican individualism, implies and entails the assimilation of individuals who have become citizens by choice' (Kastroyano, 2002: 2). Transforming migrants into French citizens, as opposed to promoting a regional identity, has been the consistent integration objective and pattern (cf. Schnapper et al., 2003: 15) Assimilation in France leads to 'the disappearance of foreignness', according to Costa-Lascoux (1989: 10). In consequence, ethnic communities would receive little recognition in the public domain, and be most likely associated with the private sphere. The migrants would therefore be expected to internalise values and socialise in French society, while, only if they desired to do so, preserving their culture of origin by means of a 'cultural DIY' process (cf. Schnapper et al., 2003: 16). As was seen in the 'nationality laws', otherwise referred to as 'Frenchification', education policy and laws binding in the workplace, a strong tendency would be to secure equal rights for migrant communities and their speedy assimilation (Schnapper et al., 2003: 21–26).

In the process of translating ideology into practice, despite the universalistic principles put in place, France has been long experiencing difficulties with suburban ghettos (banlieus), ethnic enclaves and inner-city slums, places that combine foreignness and poverty and are seen as sites of conflict between cultures, and 'between the communities and the nation' (Kastroyano, 2002: 3). Despite the existence of special programs for groups that are excluded from the process of assimilation (Schnapper et al., 2003: 2837), the terms 'exclusion', 'ghettoisation', and 'ethnicisation' underline the French debate on immigration (Kastroyano, 2002: 28). It has to be emphasised, however, that such issues would not typically emerge with regard to Polish migrants (Catholic, white and enjoying a general reputation as a 'hard-working' community) who would typically be viewed as 'exemplary, model migrants'.

For a long time multiculturalism, understood as presence and state of both cultural and ethnic diversity within the demographics of a particular social space (Parekh, 2006: 3), has been in conflict with 'political tradition' and 'national myth', whereas the minority-based approach was supposed to weaken the social fabric and cohesion (cf. Schnapper et al., 2003: 42). In the last decades, however, there has been much debate in France, notably inspired by controversies such as l'affaire des foulards, starting in 1989, about the French assimilationist model. A number of key commissions and reports (e.g. the Haut Conseil à l'intégration and the Stasi Commission) have considered such matters. The substantial financial support for such agencies as the Le Fonds d'Action et de Soutien pour l'Intégration et la Lutte Contre les Discriminations also suggests that there has been some development in French thinking. It would be fair to say that French approaches to integration have been subtly modified in important respects although the underlying perspective remains one of assimilation (Overview of integration policy in France 2002–2005, p. 9).

Below the experience of the Polish Community members in France in the 1980s will be presented, based upon preliminary research findings, in the wider context of French immigration policy presented above.

Research Design, Preliminary Findings

Sampling and timing

Subject recruitment in France started in May 2007 in the region of Lille, Dunkirk and Paris. Our Informants, interviewed to date, can be divided into two groups.

Group 1 encompassed 10 Polish married couples with children who migrated to France between 1982 and 1990. Subject recruitment started in May 2007 in the region 'Le Nord' (four couples) and Paris (six couples). The subjects were aged 46–62 and were sampled from various professional settings. Most of the subjects in this group were found thanks to the network of family and personal contacts. Four out of 20 subjects were first met via Polish organisations in France (e.g. The Polish Catholic Mission). It needs to be strongly emphasised, however, that an attempt was made in the course of subject recruitment procedure to avoid a self-selecting sampling. Hence, there was only partial reliance upon Polish institutions as a source of contacts, and random selection was preferred.

Our subjects varied extensively with regard to their level of education, family situation (i.e. marital status, number of children), reasons to emigrate, socio-economic status, level of language proficiency in French, exposure to and reliance on the Polish language, degree of contact with the host country, and degree of contact with Polish centres in France.

In parallel, employees of various Polish organisations (educational, diplomatic, cultural and others) were interviewed (group 2). In the absence of written sources or reliable statistical data, personal communication was an all the more valuable method of inquiry. Fifteen employees of Polish institutions and cultural centres in Lille, Dunkirk, Lens and Paris have been interviewed to date. These participants come from the following centres:

• The Polish Consulate,

• Polish schools,

• Polish libraries,

• Polish bookshops,

• Polish resource centres,

• the Polish Catholic Mission,

• Polish Literary Institute in Maisons-Laffitte,

• Centre de Civilization Polonaise, Sorbonne, Paris IV.

The organisations were selected from 'French Polonia' official websites (among others:http://www.polonianet.pl) and were also reached by personal recommendation from other subjects participating in the study.

The interviews with this group were meant:

• to obtain insights into the activity of Polish organisations in France;

• to obtain quantitative data concerning Polish migration to France;

• to find out about French immigration strategies;

• to better understand the situation of Poles in France after 1980;

• to find out about areas viewed as problematic;

• to create a database of consultants and informants.

Insights from interviews in this group will serve as sources for the sociohistorical background and migration strategies formulated and implemented by French policy-makers regarding the Polish Community in France, and cited throughout this paper.

Below the interview procedures will be described.

Interview procedure: Areas of investigation

All the interviews in group 1 which are drawn upon in the following parts of this paper were conducted in May and June 2007. In some cases, where further clarification was needed, telephone conversations followed the face-to-face interviews. Each representative family participating in the study gave an interview of at least two hours. All the interviews with subjects in group 1 were conducted in Polish. The co-ethnic research was an advantage in building good relationships with the interviewees, based on mutual comprehension and shared background knowledge. This is especially true when one thinks of the era when our subjects chose to emigrate, that is the Solidarity period, when socio-historical context, national symbols and values were especially acute. On a general note it can be said about the subjects that they tended to open up and provide well thought-out, genuine insights into their particular respective situations. They enjoyed a retrospective outlook on their decision to migrate and found it pleasurable to lend their expertise. As a result, many anecdotal comments enriched the data with the subjects' individual perspectives.

(Continues...)

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Table of Contents

Contributors vii

Introduction David Singleton Vera Regan xi

1 Emigration Versus Mobility. The Case of the Polish Community in France and Ireland Ewelina Debaene 1

2 The Bookseller and the Basketball Player: Tales from the French Polonia Vera Regan 28

3 The Positional Distribution of Discourse like - A Case Study of Young Poles in Ireland Niamh Nestor 49

4 The Polish Diaspora in Austria: Mutual Attitudes, Processes of Integration and Identity Formation Among Immigrant Poles B. Bidzinska 73

5 Divergence, Convergence and Passing for a Native Speaker: Variations in the Use of English by Polish Migrants in Ireland Ewelina Debaene John Harris 85

6 The Direction of Causality in the Relationship between Phonological Short-term Memory and L2 Lexical Knowledge: The Case of Adult Polish Learners of English in Ireland Agnieszka Skrzypek 106

7 Segmental Acquisition in Polish Child and Adult Learners in Ireland Romana Kopecková 134

8 Variation in English Lexical Acquisition among Polish Migrant Children in Ireland Polly Walsh David Singleton 152

Editorial Reviews

This book is an exciting and comprehensive, multidimensional study looking into the acquisition and use of languages in migrant communities from both the linguistic and cultural perspectives. It offers a unique comparative insight into language acquisition and maintenance among Polish migrants to Ireland and France, being the first project of its kind. Full of fascinating psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic findings, the book is an invaluable and novel contribution to the migration studies.

Anna Cieslicka

This book will be of real interest to researchers and postgraduates interested not only in the Polish diaspora in Europe, but also in a broad range of contemporary language and migration issues. The multi-faceted approach it takes to issues related to Polish migration to Ireland is particularly fascinating.

Barbara Geraghty

The inspirational role of the book cannot be underestimated: By providing insights into the nature of research ideas developed in the project, the book offers a point of reference for other researchers interested in the acquisition of linguistic and cultural aspects in migrant communities.

Ewa Waniek-Klimczak