Kathryn S. Olmsted is chair of the history department at the University of California, Davis. A noted historian of anticommunism, she is the author of several books, including Challenging the Secret Government, Red Spy Queen, and Real Enemies. She lives in Davis, California.
Right Out of California: The 1930s and the Big Business Roots of Modern Conservatism
eBook
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ISBN-13:
9781620971390
- Publisher: New Press, The
- Publication date: 10/13/2015
- Sold by: Barnes & Noble
- Format: eBook
- Pages: 288
- Sales rank: 85,078
- File size: 7 MB
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In a major reassessment of modern conservatism, noted historian Kathryn S. Olmsted reexamines the explosive labor disputes in the agricultural fields of Depression-era California, the cauldron that inspired a generation of artists and writers and that triggered the intervention of FDR’s New Deal. Right Out of California tells how this brief moment of upheaval terrified business leaders into rethinking their relationship to American politics—a narrative that pits a ruthless generation of growers against a passionate cast of reformers, writers, and revolutionaries.
Olmsted reveals how California’s businessmen learned the language of populism with the help of allies in the media and entertainment industries, and in the process created a new style of politics: corporate funding of grassroots groups, military-style intelligence gathering against political enemies, professional campaign consultants, and alliances between religious and economic conservatives. The business leaders who battled for the hearts and minds of Depression-era California, moreover, would go on to create the organizations that launched the careers of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. A riveting history in its own right, Right Out of California is also a vital chapter in our nation’s political transformation whose echoes are still felt today.
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Olmsted (Real Enemies), chair of the history department at the University of California, Davis, suggests that the New Deal’s National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933, which lacked protection for agricultural workers who wanted to unionize, served as the catalyst for the organization of the political right as it is known today. Olmsted’s research goes beyond newspaper archives and government transcripts, many of which, she points out, purposely did not record statements and speeches made by union organizers. Instead, she delves into oral histories and personal papers to tell the stories of how growers used violence, espionage, and virulent anti-Communist rhetoric to invoke the idea that unions would destroy the family, traditional gender roles, and whites’ ability to subjugate non-whites. Olmsted expressly places a larger focus on women’s involvement in the struggle for fair treatment of pickers, writing at length on Communist organizer Caroline Decker and political activist Ella Winter. This fuller perspective—along with sections on famous literary figures of the time, including Upton Sinclair, Langston Hughes, and John Steinbeck—cements Olmsted’s authority on the subject of labor organization. This is an accessible work that aids in contextualizing the rise of future conservative leaders such as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. B&w photos. (Oct.)
The New York Times Book Review
"Stirring."
Counterpunch
"Gripping."
Truthdig
"An accessible work that aids in contextualizing the rise of future conservative leaders."
Publishers Weekly
"A well-focused academic study. Olmsted
finds in Depression-era California the crucible for strong-arm policies against farm workers that bolstered the conservative movement."
Kirkus
A well-focused academic study of how the California agriculture business helped spur the conservative backlash against New Deal policies. Olmsted (Chair, History/Univ. of California, Davis; Real Enemies: Conspiracy Theories and American Democracy, World War I to 9/11, 2009, etc.) finds in Depression-era California the crucible for strong-arm policies against farm workers that bolstered the conservative movement. A key omission in the New Deal's early recovery programs for the faltering economy was protection of farm laborers for the same reason, the author notes, they were later excluded from the Social Security Act and the National Labor Relations Act: "powerful Southern Democrats wanted to maintain control over their tenant farmers and sharecroppers." In California, in particular, the agricultural leaders were both grateful for the subsidies offered by the Agricultural Adjustment Act and determined to bust the unions encouraged by the New Deal. In successive strikes across the state led by prominent communist union organizers like Pat Chambers and Caroline Decker in 1933, as the crops ripened in the fields, harvesters refused to work, hoping to raise wages. In response, the powerful growers would instigate all sorts of intimidation tactics and arrests, and they began to organize themselves—e.g., in the Associated Farmers, a group that "spread the word about the Communist threat." The agitation prompted bohemian writer sympathizers like John Steinbeck, Ella Winter, and Lincoln Steffens to alert a national audience to the strikers' cause in their work. One example was Steinbeck's In Dubious Battle (1936), although, curiously, he eliminated people of color and women to showcase only white men's struggles. Olmsted examines the federal response in the form of labor chief Frances Perkins' associate, Gen. Pelham Glassford, who was sent into the Imperial Valley to solve labor disputes, recognizing that "growers were no better than thugs." The author also discusses the rise of professional political consultants and leaders like Richard Nixon, who perfected the smear campaign. A work that knowledgeably situates the pioneering of a nasty new style of politics.